By: Hiba Hatem, Jihad Ahmed Abu Saif, and Lubna Ali

This article is an outcome of the “Know Your City” workshop, which the Tadamun Initiative organized in Alexandria in January 2017. Note that the views published in this article reflect only those of the authors and do not reflect the opinions of the Tadamun Initiative.

Many know the neighborhood of Al-Max by another name, “Qaryat Al-Sayadin” [The Fishermen’s Village], as economic activities for most of the neighborhood’s residents are centered on fishing. In fact, the neighborhood has a major fish market that supplies fresh fish daily to local Alexandrians, and there are a multitude of famous fish restaurants in the neighborhood. Numerous social media posts highlight the fishermen’s boats and their houses, leading to the nickname, the “Venice of Alexandria.” These photos create the impression that Al-Max is a smaller area, containing only the fishermen’s homes and the fish market, while in reality it is much larger. Qaryat Al-Sayadin, for example, represents only a small fraction of the whole area (only 0.03 km² out of 4.80 km² of Al-Max).

Al-Max is one of the most highly contaminated areas in Egypt. Aerial maps of Al-Max show that the neighborhood is built up of small clusters of residential dwellings scattered among giant blocks of pollution caused by petroleum, chemicals, cement, and salt factories. Next to those factories, there are small residential compounds, such as the Haras Al-Hodud Club [The Border Guards Club] and Al-Sikkah Al-Hadid Club [The Railway Club], as well as three schools (Egyptian Center for Economic and Social Rights 2016). The current structure of the area does not physically separate the industrial area from the residential areas, which exposes those residential to the harmful waste of the factories. The same applies to clubs and schools as we can in the maps below (in the section that details the history of the urban development of Al-Max).

This study focuses on monitoring and understanding the events that have led to this complex urban composition of Al-Max. Further, the study aims to discuss development steps and assess what is the best feasible remedy: relocating residents versus removing the factories. Or should we maintain the situation with all its complexities and problems? Finally, the predominant question that the article aims to answer is how these different uses have existed side by side in Al-Max area in the first place. What is the future of this area?

 

Al-Max in numbers

Governorate: Alexandria

Neighborhood: Al-Ajami

Area: ~12 km²

Population: 30,151 (according to the 2006 census)

The history of Al-Max

To study the current situation of Al-Max, its areas, and the use of each area, we must look back to its history and development. According to the “Lisan Al-Ari” dictionary, the word “al-max,” means “tax” in Arabic. The name reflects an old function of this location in the past. Some old maps show that Al-Max was on the western border of Alexandria. Some sources depict a wall extending from the sea to the lake and others situate Al-Max as a part of a port (Al-Max, or Bab al-Arab, Gulf). The maps also show Al-Shafkhana Fort as one of the historic landmarks, with forts and castles usually located close to the city’s ports.

The two well-known landmarks of the area—the Al-Mahmudiya Canal and the famous Al-Max Pump Station—appear on a 1917 map. We also can see signs of a railway in Al-Max, which was used to facilitate the movement of goods, with a railway bridge over the canal. “Long ago, the British [Mandate] built this railway bridge to be used by the train,” a local said. A lighthouse is also one of the distinguished landmarks of Al-Max, however, this lighthouse is the smallest of three ancient lighthouses in the area. The 1917 map used the term “small tower” to refer to this lighthouse. While it is no longer in use, it is still one of the most important architectural landmarks of the area. In addition to Al-Shafkhana Fort, the lighthouses, and the military zone, the 1917 map shows some houses near the Al-Mahmudiya Canal which form the Fishermen’s Village, the first residential zone in the area.

 

Later on, the Wadi Al-Qamar dwellings were built next to the salt factory. At first, this was just one apartment block. To the east of the dwellings was the Pump Station and to the west, the salt factory. Neither the Alexandria Petroleum Factory (APF) or the Amoc factory had been built yet. When the Alexandria Petroleum Factory was constructed in the center of the neighborhood, some of the dwellings were demolished and the factory cut the neighborhood in half, creating two blocks. Residents did report that they received financial compensation for their evacuation and the construction of the plant.

 

 

 

Thus, the residential dwellings came before the canal and the Pump Station. Al-Max, at the time, was still a port containing the Bab Al Arab Gulf, lighthouses, the coast guard, and forts. With the construction of the Wadi Al-Qamar dwellings and other scattered houses, the city sprawled, but Al-Max did not become part of Alexandria until the 1930s (as the 1937 map shows). Alexandria expanded to Al-Dakhila, Al-Ajami, and the “Al-Sahil Al-Shimali” [The North Coast]. The city expansion then reached Al-Max, where people began to settle around the canal and work as fishermen. The number of recreational places (cafeterias and restaurants) increased on the seashore, leading to the establishment of different companies and factories. Additionally, the nationalization decrees shaped the area creating even more change. Sports clubs such as Haras Al-Hodud Club as well as some schools started arising, in place of the old forts and the military zones. New residential areas, such as the Armed Forces dwellings and Al-Tabiya Al-Mahjar, dwellings emerged (the residents of Tabiya Bahri were relocated to the latter). The density of the building on the Corniche and in the places around the canal and Wadi Al-Qamar also increased.

Since any city is continuously developing to fit the needs of its residents, we can see how Al-Max has evolved over the last two decades. The city now boasts famous fish restaurants, fishermen, and the fish market, but the growth has led to negative externalities including pollution problems. The residents live within these conditions and limits imposed by the history of the place and ongoing conflicts of interest.

The place and its residents

The diversity of its residents characterizes Al-Max. There are two distinctive categories of residents: the first is the “commons” which includes the fishermen and factory workers, while the second includes university students, corporate workers, and government employees. These two categories are quite different from each other in terms of their way of life. The first group spends the majority of their time in Al-Max, rarely leaving the region, while the second group spends almost their entire day at work or at a university outside of the area. The people of Al-Max generally have a simple life, far away from the hustle of the city, which strengthens the relationships between residents. During weekends and holidays, Al-Max residents go downtown or to other areas for picnicking since Al-Max does not have green areas or any public parks.

 

As mentioned, Al-Max has an imperfect balance between the residential areas and factories. The neighborhood overlooks the sea directly, and the Al-Max Corniche, one of the most well-known roads in the area, runs on its northern border. Al-Max is isolated and sees only occasional visitors. Transportation, however, is available. Al-Max can be reached by either public transport (bus and microbus) or private cars. The area as a whole has a limited range of services. It has a few schools (elementary and preparatory), as well as some religious services and private sports clubs. There is one health clinic that provides limited services.

 

“Qaryat Al-Sayadin” is considered an essential part of the city, but Al-Max has more than just that village. It is a multifaceted area, where companies, residential areas, and services exist. Each neighborhood is distinct from the others, with characteristics that make it unique. Therefore this study analyzes each of the neighborhoods separately. These neighborhoods are the Wadi Al-Qamar Dwellings, Al-Max Residents’ Dwellings, Fishermen’s Dwellings, Officers’ Dwellings, and Al-Max Coast (Al-Tabiya) Dwellings.

The Wadi Al-Qamar Dwellings

Wadi Al-Qamar is characterized by the relations among the residents of the neighborhood, a solitary and robust community. It is distinguished as a standalone neighborhood where its residents have a strong interest in cleaning the streets and keeping it safe and secured. There are no significant architectural encroachments despite the lack of government supervision. The reason for the strong bonds among the residents may be the fact that this area is isolated and that it has a contiguous urban fabric.

When I moved here, I felt that this place was one big family. At nights, men were sitting next to buildings chatting, while women sit together on the roofs talking. In front of us, there were parks where children used to play. They removed the trees there.

-Interview with a local resident, January 20, 2017

Wadi Al-Qamar is known as an “Industrial Zone” even though it existed as a “Residential Area” before the establishment of the factories. Wadi Al-Qamar is surrounded by four factories: Alexandria Petroleum Factory (APF), the Salt Factory, Alexandria Portland Cement Factory (APCF), and the Alexandria Petroleum Company (APC). While this location somewhat isolates Wadi Al-Qamar from the rest of the residential areas, it also makes their relationships stronger. From the east, there is Wadi Al-Qamar Street, a highway which is the main thoroughfare for trucks and cars. Depsite being the main artery of the neighborhood, it is not well paved, and the sidewalks are only 1-meter wide, making it unsafe for pedestrians.

The area has a clear topographic layout, but the streets are unpaved and in poor condition. The area has the necessary utilities (electricity, sewage, gas etc.), but the road drainage system is inadequate; the district experiences severe floods every winter. Wadi Al-Qamar has 60,000 residents, but services are insufficient. There is one primary school built by APCF, a 9-am-to-1-pm health clinic that provides examinations only (with no treatments available), and just a few neighborhood amenities (cafes, a youth center, grocery store, butcher, pharmacy, and market). Generally, these services only provide the bare essentials; the residents have to go to downtown Alexandria or Al-Wardian to get their other needs met.

On the other hand, the developers have made efforts to improve the aesthetics of the Alexandria Portland Cement Factory, although some residents have critiqued these efforts, saying that the purpose of these changes was to attract media coverage. For example, developers established a primary school and planted trees along some streets. Some of the residents work in the salt factory, others in APF, third in APCF, and forth in Alexandria downtown. Residents complained about the lack of job opportunities, lower salaries, and the fact that factories prioritize job opportunities to workers from the nearby villages rather than the people of the area, while residents living directly near the factories receive the negative health externalities.

“People call this neighborhood ‘The Death Triangle’”

“Most people here have asthma”

-Interview with a local resident, January 20, 2017

 

Wadi Al-Qamar has a long history of suffering and pollution. The area is considered a “polluted area,” and the situation is worsening over time. The Wadi Al-Qamar dwellings comprised the first neighborhood in the Al-Max area, yet, residents’ needs and demands are rarely taken into account.

“Many people came and filmed, but no one helped us.”

-Interview with a local resident, January 20, 2017

Smoke and dust emissions from the APCF suffocate of the residents of Wadi Al-Qamar. Black clouds of smoke accumulate over the neighborhood, which is detrimental of the health of residents.

“In the past, we were able to handle this situation; however, APCF now burns coal and trash, causing severe black smoke.”

-Interview with a local resident, January 20, 2017

The APF, on the other hand, is a major source of noise pollution; however, what frightens the residents the most are the fires and explosions that emanate from the factory.

“Last time the APF had an explosion, people left their houses panicking and started roaming in the streets, running away from the fire. They had nowhere to stay.”

-Interview with a local resident, January 20, 2017

Unofficial proposals suggested the relocation of residents to the Abdul Qader Village. Those proposals worried the residents due to the conditions of the village, which are much worse than Wadi Al Qamar. The Abdul Qader Village is a deserted area with no infrastructure, an area that the government neglects completely. Moreover, the village is  far from people’s current places of employment.

The Al-Max Residents’ Dwellings

The Al-Max Residents’ Dwellings make up a small residential area of three parallel streets. The area is isolated from its surroundings, which does make the community more cohesive. The dwellings are located next to a canal. Like the Wadi Al-Qamar Dwellings, the area here is also surrounded by factories, with the APF situated on its western side. The Wadi Al-Qamar and Al-Max Residents Dwellings were once one dwelling before being separated into two by the APF.

Residents of Al-Max use “Karteh”¹ or “Tamannayah”² to reach the main street. Streets are unpaved and unlit. Although there are lamp posts, they are rarely maintained. The area has limited services; therefore, residents go to Al-Wardian for their needs. The area has no health services but does have some basic utilities (electricity and sewage) that were provided over a decade ago. The dwellings are suffering from the AFP and residents live in constant fear of the explosions that the factory produces. Some residents even expressed a desire to leave the area because the situation has become intolerable.

“There are no services at all. Even light poles are not working. You walk at night in very dark streets. At least we can say that this area is safe.”

-Interview with a local resident, January 20, 2017

The Al-Max Coast (Al-Tabiya) Dwellings

The Al-Max Coast (Al-Tabiya) Dwellings are located next to the canal, overlooking the sea. It separated by the Corniche. The government constructed the Al-Max Coast (Al-Tabiya) Dwellings as part of a ten-year investment and sold the units to residents.

The houses in this neighborhood are in good condition and have essential utilities (electricity, gas, and sewage). The neighborhood has some local services including a supermarket and an army-consumer-goods outlet; however, people go to the Al-Wardian markets or downtown to meet their needs. Although the neighborhood is newly built, it lacks maintenance, and garbage fills the streets and alleyways.

 

The Armed Forces Dwellings

The Armed Forces Dwellings make up a small residential area with medium size houses, consisting of 15 gated residential buildings with security at the gates. To the north, there is Al-Max main road, and to the south, there is the Haras Al-Hodud Football Stadium (a main stadium for the second division football league). Next to the stadium, there are football practice fields and Haras Al-Hodud Club buildings. To the west, there are the Al-Tabiya Dwellings. This community was developed for officers of the armed forces during the late 1990s. Over time, as in the case of the Mustafa Kamel Dwellings in Rushdie and other areas, the dwellings housed both officers and civilians who own and rent the units.

When you enter the neighborhood, one notices how quiet the area is, as only residents fill the streets. The buildings look homogenous and neglected, and you have to look closely to know that people are living in the buildings since they seem unoccupied. You can discern social class and socioeconomic status by the models of cars parked next to each building.

According to the residents of the neighborhood, the area lacks the essential services that are offered to the other communities in the area. There is only a supermarket and a simple bookstore; there is no market nearby, with the closest ones located in Al-Wardian, Bab Omar Basha, and Al-Dakhila. There are also no health clinics, pharmacies or hospitals. The nearest hospitals are in Al-Dakhila and Al-Wardian. Further, the Al-Max area, as a whole, lacks educational services. There are only two primary schools: the Al-Shaheed Saber School and the Al-Max Elementary School (the latter has only one classroom per each grade). There is also a middle school for girls. Those of higher socioeconomic status typically enroll their children in schools in Al-Ajami and Al-Wardian. The quality of life for residents is low because of other service shortages, including the lack of proper lighting in the area and the emissions from the APF.

Considering the history of similar places, there are doubts regarding the feasibility of development. However, with the current population density and its excellent infrastructure, it is possible to develop the area.

The Qaryat Al-Sayadin Dwellings

Qaryat Al-Sayadin is part of the Al-Max neighborhood. It includes the Al-Max canal, with its various fishing boats, as well as the colorful houses overlooking it. The name of the multi-generation fishermen’s village indicates how closely the inhabitants are linked to the surrounding environment. We can see also how they benefit from the canal and the sea to earn their daily livelihood (Egyptian Center for Economic and Social Rights 2016).

The State has made many attempts to relocate the villagers out of the area. One of the fishermen, who was born there, is very attached to his hometown. He, like most people in Qaryat Al-Sayadin, cannot live far away from his hometown because of his profession. Fishermen are always watching their boats, and in the event of a sudden storm, they must rush to move their boats into the canal to protect them from being destroyed by intense water and winds. The fishermen also noted that Al-Max is an area  prone to sinking, as happened in the Abdel Qader area. The Pump Station in Qaryat Al-Sayadin, however, can control the water level, reducing the impact of the floods.

When asked about the available services, the fisherman said that the area lacks a hospital, as well as other simple health services, like dental clinics. He added that the British dug the canal during the occupation for drainage purposes. The dumping of factory waste and water pollution into the canal, therefore, occurred from the beginning. However, the volume of garbage and trash has increased dramatically over the years, and has caused an enormous buildup of trash in the canal, leading to a lack of fish and reduced income for fishermen, including the man with whom we spoke. Moreover, the declining supply of fish, a larger labor force and costly boat engine fuel more than doubled the price of fish.

“APC has been dumping oil in the canal for three days. If I had known who is in charge, I would have contacted him.”

-A fisherman, January 2017

Is the trash buildup a result of the neighborhood initially being used for drainage before the arrival of the villagers? If so, is it self-evident to relocate the residents away from the canal? Or is it better to try to reach a compromise and find a satisfactory solution? Is there a solution that would allow for both the use the canal as drainage and for the residents to continue living there, while implementing environmental methods to reduce the damage of the drainage on them?

“This area used to give two or three tons of tilapia; however, since the factories started dumping, the fish started to die faster, and what remains is far less than before.”

-A fisherman, January 2017

Planned projects must address these problems that exist in each residential area throughout the city of Al-Max. Decision-makers should solve the existing problems and exploit the available opportunities in the area. Previous attempts by civil society, as well as the State’s proposals, sought to resolve these issues. However, has civil society succeeded? And how will the State target the area during its next planning proposal for Alexandria?

Past experiences and future proposals

Civil Society Efforts in the Al-Max Area

Gudran [Walls], started in 2000 as an initiative that employs the arts to develop Qaryat Al-Sayadin in Al-Max. In 2003, Gudran was registered as a non-profit and non-governmental organization (NGO). From the beginning, Gudran aimed to use neglected urban and architectural spaces to spread street art among the community, as part of comprehensive community development efforts. Gudran has undertaken projects in Qaryat Al-Sayadin to raise awareness among the residents of the village as well as the decision-makers in Alexandria via the arts. Gudran came to the area and started to spread awareness by setting up some artistic activities including drawing workshops for children, awareness campaigns for the residents, graffiti to beautify the village, and music lessons. The initiative has also organized campaigns to clean up garbage and workshops to help families to build new fishing boats and teach farming skills (Gudran for Art).

Gudran aimed to engage the community through organized activities; however, it did not succeed because rumors about the NGO spread quickly among the residents, who then declined to participate in any workshop held by Gudran. The isolation of the inhabitants of the village and their reactions frustrated the Gudran workers since they were not able to achieve their goals. This forced Gudran to shift its activities away from Al-Max and to the center of Alexandria. Still, their office, Gudran Al-Funon, remains in Qaryat Al-Sayadin.

Upon asking a female resident of Qaryat Al-Sayadin (who lives next to the Gudran office), about the impact Gudran had on her, she had mixed feelings. One of the positive results of Gudran’s work was the provision of a library for reading. Though the NGO no longer does work in the area, she recounted some negative experiences from their time in the neighborhood. She said that the noise resulting from the activities Gudran organized were bothersome and the ceiling of her house collapsed as a result of one of Gudran’s construction projects. She added that she had to fix the ceiling out of her own pocket, with no financial assistance from Gudran. The situation was made worse when she found out that Gudran gave cement to other neighbors to build their houses.

Future Proposals

According to the 2032 plan reports, Alexandria’s population is expected to reach 6 million by 2030, a 40 percent increase. This increase will put pressure on the natural sites in the city such as Lake Mariout and the Al-Max Gulf, which the city of Alexandria currently uses for drainage to the sea. The state is working to address the pollution problem by increasing the number of water treatment units in the Al-Max Gulf and continuously monitoring the treated water. They are also issuing periodic reports about the problem while strengthening the infrastructure of water treatment facilities (GOPP, 2014.)

Although many reports have identified high levels of pollution originating from the APCF, there have been no proposals to solve this problem. Moreover, the residential blocks between the APCF factory and the APF factory have been ignored. This raises questions about the reasons behind the continued marginalization of Al-Max, despite the huge difficulties the city has.

During our field visit, we verified that the process of relocating the inhabitants of Qaryat Al-Sayadin to another area was underway. A 3100-square-foot, six-story residential complex has already been built to accommodate all those who live on both sides of the canal. When the residents were asked whether they approve of being relocated or not, the answers were mixed. Some agreed to the relocation and saw it as an “advantage.” Others were against it because they currently anchor their fishing boats close to their houses to protect them from theft. In our first meeting with a resident of Qaryat Al-Sayadin, a fisherman who used to sell his fish at the Fish Market, we asked him his opinion about relocation to the new dwellings. He said he does not object to the relocation per se since he is going to be close to his job and the relocation site will have improved services compared to where he lives now. His only objection was the size of the new house as it is much smaller than his current one. We spoke to resident who was spinning his fishing net in front of his home close to his boat, which was anchored before him in the canal. He said he is against the relocation entirely as he likes that his boat is close to his house, where he can monitor it to avoid theft. He said that his boat is the most important thing to him as it is means of earning income for his needs and for his family. In total, we met with four people from Qaryat Al-Sayadin, some of whom supported the relocation and others who opposed it, but they all mentioned that the new apartments are smaller than their current homes on the canal.

Civil society organizations have not been successful in changing the situation in the area, but can the State’s interventions solve the compounded problems there? Does the current location require another civil society experiment to avoid the mistakes of previous efforts?

Discussion

Al-Max is an unplanned area, and the ratio of residential to industrial buildings is disproportionate. Al-Max has been impacted negatively by changes that occur in an ill-conceived manner, for example, the removal of the Al-Shafkhana Fort. While the establishment of a residential area led to changes including the provision of basic utilities, it did not lead to the establishment of essential services such as hospitals or educational services commensurate with the number of students. When factories were built, pollution and the adverse impact on residents were not taken into account. The two most critical areas requiring rapid intervention are Wadi Al-Qamar and Qaryat Al-Sayadin.

 

The maps and field research make clear that Al-Max was first a residential area, with people residing in Al-Max, Wadi Al-Qamar and Qaryat Al-Sayadin. Beyond these residential areas, there was only the Navigation Company. Later, however, Al-Max was not subject to any systematic planning or development. It has been neglected and its problems have been dealt with piecemeal with no overall vision. The random approach in handling the issues of the area is apparent in the variety of uses. Early plans did not consider Al-Max a residential area that should be developed and provided with the services necessary to give its residents a decent life. Instead, large-scale factories were allowed to exist in this residential area. Because pollution and other hazards from the APCF and the APF resulted in various diseases and health issues, the relocation of the population is the current goal of the State.

Upon examining the current conditions and issues of the area, we can divide them into in three categories. First is the issue of public services in Al-Max. The residents of each of the areas agreed that many essential services are absent. The main road, the Corniche, is the only one that is well-paved and has public transport lines. In the residential areas, however, the infrastructure is poor and there is no transportation. There are no hospitals in the area, only a simple clinic in Wadi Al-Qamar. As for educational and recreational services, residents must go to nearby neighborhoods such as Al-Wardian, Al-Dakhila, and Al-Ajami.

Second, there is the problem of pollution stemming from the factories, especially the APCF, which has worsened over the years (apparent from the spread of diseases among the residents). This poses an important question: should the factories be removed or the dwellings? Is it possible to find a solution that maintains both the factories and the houses without significant damage? The history of the area favors the inhabitants in that they existed first and they deserve to have the factories relocated to another industrial area such as Burj Al Arab or Al-Ameriya. However, the State sees that option as challenging to implement due to the high cost of moving factories and the lack of space that these factories need elsewhere. Besides, they are the most significant structures in Al-Max. While relocating the population may be the easiest, fastest, and most logical solution, the needs of the population have not been taken into account in choosing the new place of residence.

Third, there is the problem of the inhabitants of Qaryat Al-Sayadin. The village formed around the canal when the fishermen began to settle there informally, building their houses and anchoring their boats in front of their homes. Recently, the government provided them with utilities, such as sewage and electricity, allowing them to settle permanently in the area. Fishermen built houses to allow for a seamless process of fishing, maintenance of boats, and the crafting the fishing nets. The life of the fishermen in this place is unique since they can work next to their houses, which is an excellent concept. The residents unanimously agreed on the fact that the State has plans to relocate them somewhere else. They mentioned different reasons; some believed that their current houses are soon to be demolished because they are structurally unsound. Some think the area is environmentally unsuitable for living due to the pollution of the canal. Others believe that it is because there are plans to make Qaryat Al-Sayadin a tourist spot. Important questions arise here: Will the Al-Max residents agree to their sudden relocation? Can we reduce the pollution of factories and penalize waste improper disposal? Why is there no real societal dialogue about this problem?

What we can conclude is that there is no precise mechanism for the government to deal with these problems. The lack of transparency makes the residents more skeptical about their situation: will they be removed from the area or deported to places that do not suit their lifestyle? Therefore, there must be a common ground for dialogue to resolve the conflict of interest between the government, the population, factories, and other relevant actors to reach a compromise acceptable to all parties. Most of the residents in the various residential areas in Al-Max do not object to the idea of relocation. But they are reluctant to move to a place that does not provide for their needs and poses other challenges. For example, the Wadi Al-Qamar residents were against relocation due to the lack of safety and essential services in the new area. The inhabitants of Qaryat Al-Sayadin objected only to relocation to residential areas far from the beach or the canal. Accordingly, the State must analyze the needs of the population and consult with them about new homes. This is necessary to reach a compromise that provides a decent life for people, and it also saves the State from spending money on new dwellings that no one wants to live in. Without negotiations, the usual scenario will play out: the new housing will not fulfill the needs of their residents, and they will decide to abandon the new homes and return to their original ones.

 

References:

Alexandrian Factory for Mineral Oils. 2017. http://www.amocalex.com/.  Alexandria, Egypt.

 

^1. Karteh. A means of transportation for nearby areas that can only accommodate two people.

^2. Tamannayah. A means of transport used in narrow streets that is smaller than a microbus. It can accommodate only eight passengers.