Community Workshops

The purpose of the community workshops is to develop an understanding for different neighborhoods in Cairo from the perspective of those who know it the best: their residents. The community workshops start with a brief introduction of TADAMUN and a showcase of success stories of some local initiatives. The participants are then divided into small groups and are asked to draw a map of their area.
Approximately twenty residents participated in the ‘Izbit Awlād ‘Allam workshop and were divided into three groups; women, men and children. No instruction was given to influence the type of information or format used. The groups were then asked to comment on their own maps to highlight the following:

• The five best opportunities for improvement in the area
• The five biggest problems in the area
• The quality of services and facilities in the area
• The activities of local CSOs and NGOs in the area

‘Izbit Awlād ‘Allam Community Workshop

This community workshop was conducted in partnership with Mahaliyyat Al-DuqqīwaAl-`Agūza and the Popular Committee of Awlād ‘Allām.

Map Your Neighborhood

An overall analysis of the group maps reveals four commonalities in all participants’ perception of `Izbit Awlād ‘Allam (the ‘Izba). First, the internal divisions of the area were consistent. Most of the maps depict the ‘Izba as an area that is comprised of three neighborhoods: Awlād ‘Allam, Ḥay al-Arba’īn and al-Inaya. There are no clear barriers separating the three, but residents indicated three entry points for the ‘Izba, one for each neighborhood. The entire area (Ḥay al-Arba’īn, Awlād ‘Allam and al-Inaya) is simply referred to as `Izbit Awlād ‘Allam.
Second, residents feel a strong connection to the history of the area. Prior to the development of al-Duqqī, older participants remember being able to see the Shooting Club from their rooftops. Residents also feel historically tied to the Ministry of Agriculture, where Princess Faṭma, the original owner of the land of Awlād ‘Allam, often resided. Family histories also play a large part in the geographic identification of the ‘Izba. For example, a landmark home belonging to a wealthy, well-known family separates Ḥay al-Arba’īn from Awlād ‘Allam. Streets are known locally by the names of prominent families that lived there as well as by the official street names. The most well-known house in the area, which belongs to the area’s richest family, was also indicated on several maps. It is in the process of being renovated into a mosque.

Third, there were several streets and places that all of the participant groups highlighted that serve as the community landmarks of the ‘Izba. Both the local coffee shop on Aly al-Hadamy Street and the local shopping area on Ahmed Youssef Street were included on everyone’s map, as were streets that mark the area’s borders such as al-Sika al-Gharbiyya street on the ‘Izba’s western border. The youth center, Markaz Shabab Awlād ‘Allam, on the eastern border is often perceived as a main reference point for residents.
Finally, most residents’ were aware of being located within the vibrant and mostly up-scale al-Duqqī district and the urban transformation that has taken place around them. Group maps repeatedly pointed out important landmarks close to the ‘Izba such as the Shooting Club, al-Duqqī Bridge (a major transportation hub for residents), and Cairo University. Al-Sika al-Gharbiyya was highlighted as an area of change where new redbrick buildings stand alongside old mud-brick houses. Generally, the maps reflected the small size of Awlād ‘Allam, its urban fabric, and its location within the center of al-Duqqī.

Each map also reflected the participants’ unique perception of the area. A group composed mainly of middle-aged men highlighted workshops and social areas within the community as well as references to areas outside of the ‘Izba. They highlighted the mosque and the coffee shop and the workshops located in Ḥay al-Arba’īn. They situated Awlād ‘Allam in relation to landmarks in al-Duqqī, such as Muṣadaq Street (one of the main commercial streets of al-Duqqī), al-Duqqī Bridge (a major transportation hub), Hay’at al-Tadris (Cairo University Faculty Housing), and the Shooting Club. Other landmarks they showed in proximity of the ‘Izba are the Ministry of Agriculture, the Agricultural Museum and al- Zira’īn Hospital.
Another group composed mostly of women also highlighted social spaces within the ‘Izba as well as public service areas. They marked the locations of two NGOs engaged in education and charity work. (Only one NGO is currently active, while the other has frozen its activities since the 2011 revolution.) They also mentioned a public garden located near al-Inaya. For women, the public space used most often for socialization is the pavement of al-Duqqī Library. Women often carry the responsibility of waste disposal in the household, as such they were the only group that highlighted the waste collection area in the ‘Izba. Overall, this group focused mainly on the ‘Izba itself, and not its relation to al-Duqqī. Within the ‘Izba, women showed detailed knowledge of narrow side streets and alleyways. Outside of the ‘Izba, Sulaīman Gohar Street (located near al-Duqqī bridge) was cited as an important shopping area visited regularly to buy vegetables and outings at restaurants.

As expected, children experience the ‘Izba differently than their parents. Schools and leisure locations such as playgrounds and playing fields, clubs, food shops, and meeting points were the main focus of their map. They particularly mentioned a sports club, where there is a playing field, and a wedding hall. Some children also located schools they attend inside of Awlād ‘Allam.

‘Izbit Awlād ‘Allam Opportunities for Improvement

When asked about the advantages of living in Awlād ‘Allam, residents had a lot to say. The safety of the area was the focus of many of their responses. Residents attribute their sense of safety of the ‘Izba to the social cohesion of the community. Awlād ‘Allam literally means “Children of ‘Allam,” and residents take this familial meaning to heart. The newer residents are just as much a part of the community as the long-time residents. Participants emphasized the “kindness” and “good hearts” of their neighbors. Given its small size (about 9 acres) and social cohesion, it is not difficult to understand why residents feel very protective of their area.

This social cohesion extends beyond Awlād ‘Allam as well. Participants were proud of the solidarity they displayed with residents of al-Duqqī during the January 2011 revolution, especially in the first eighteen days—a period in which the police disappeared from the streets. Residents of both areas worked closely with one another to protect their neighborhoods and their homes and developed a sense of mutual responsibility toward each other. “No-one could do any harm around [the whole al-Duqqī district] because we took care of each other. The villas surrounding us kept us safe, and we kept them safe too,” boasted one participant.

Residents also cited the geographic location of Awlād ‘Allam as one of its positive aspects. Participants mentioned the ‘Izba’s proximity to major transportation hubs as an important advantage. They were also proud of their proximity to numerous landmarks including the Shooting Club and Cairo University as well as the homes of famous state officials and public figures. Overall, residents expressed a sense of belonging not just to Awlād ‘Allam, but with the entire al-Duqqī district.

Unlike many other low-income areas, some households in Awlād ‘Allam have access to natural gas. The government also built a library, the al-Duqqī Library and a public garden. Residents also appreciate the efforts conducted by the local NGO to improve residents’ quality of life. It is interesting to note that residents are aware of operating NGOs’ political leanings.

 ‘Izbit Awlād ‘Allam’s Problems

Many of the area’s qualities were mentioned in both a positive and negative light. For example, residents repeatedly emphasized the high education rate in Awlād ‘Allam, but at the same time were very critical of school services in the area. They complained that many schools were a long distance away from the ‘Izba, forcing many students to drop out after primary school. They tied the high dropout rate to social problems with youth in the area.

Housing was also both appreciated and heavily criticized. The land on which Awlād ‘Allam was built was originally owned by Princess Faṭma, who donated it to some of her servants and peasants to live on nearly 100 years ago. Endowed land such as this falls under the authority of the Ministry of Religious Endowments (Awqāf) which uses a specific form of tenure called “Ḥikr”. According to residents, other parts of the land do not fall under the original Ḥikr tenure but were rather illegally squatted (wad‘ yad). This has been a source of problems, as it is unclear among the residents which areas are illegally squatted and which are Ḥikr. Having lived in the area for almost a hundred years, residents feel entitled to their ownership rights and were irritated that they were unable to formalize their tenure by legally purchasing the land due to intransigence by the Ministry of Religious Endowments.

Residents also complained about government restrictions that forbid them to renovate or expand their homes by adding extra floors. If they attempt to do either, they face substantial monetary penalties. Residents could not understand the logic behind this restriction, especially since they are surrounded by towering buildings.
They also disliked the deteriorated physical appearance of the area. There was a common desire to beautify the area by painting the buildings and creating more green space. Again, in this case, residents questioned why the government paid little attention to planting trees in their area in comparison to the surrounding areas.

Residents also criticized the public services in the area. They were frustrated that the district administration rarely provided the services they felt entitled to. They complained that the al-Duqqī library does not have regular operating hours and saw it as an asset that is not used to its full potential. They also complained of frequent electricity cuts, scarcity of butane gas cylinders and waste accumulation; issues that are endemic to most of the Greater Cairo Region.