Al-Duqqī is an upscale district in al-Gīza governorate with many foreign embassies, investment banks, chic coffee shops, and government offices. It is a well-planned area with wide, straight roads and proper traffic circles. At the heart of al-Duqqī, a short walk from the Shooting Club – an upscale sports club frequented by upper-middle-class Egyptians – lies a neighborhood obscured by high-rise buildings and cut off from the main roads called ‘Izbit Awlād ‘Allām (hereafter referred to as Awlād ‘Allām or the ‘Izba).¹ Despite the popularity of the surrounding area and its central location in the district, many al-Duqqī residents do not even know Awlād ‘Allām exists. Many of those who have heard of the area simply know it as one of al-Duqqī’s four informal areas or “mantiqa ‘ashwaeya,” a label that many of the ‘Izba residents dislike.

‘IzbitAwlād Allām (‘Izbit Fatima Hanim) – 1920 General Map of Cairo, United States Library of Congress

Contrary to being a “haphazard” area as the Arabic term for informal area (mantiqa ‘ashwaeya) implies, Awlād ‘Allām dates back over 100 years and is included in official maps from the early 1900s (see the map from 1920). It is said that during this time the area was much larger, but as land parcels were repeatedly sold, the area progressively shrank to become what it is today: a small square of informality – or perhaps semi-informality might be a more accurate term – in the heart of one of Greater Cairo’s more affluent neighborhoods.²

Awlād Allām in Numbers

Governorate:  al-Gīza
District: al-Duqqī
Area: Approximately 6.6 acres (0.03 km2) according to the ISDF (The Informal Settlements Development Facility, 2013).³
Population: Approximately 10,000 according to a 2008 study of informal areas by Egypt’s Information Decision Support Center (2008), while residents and various news articles estimate it to be between 35,000 and 40,000 residents.⁴

The Story of ‘Izbit Awlād Allām

The ‘Izba was originally agricultural land that belonged to the paternal aunt of King Farouk, Princess Fatima Ismail (1853-1920). Princess Fatima owned large parcels of land in al-Gīza governorate and habitually donated pieces of property as endowments for various causes, including the land on which Cairo University was built. Awlād Allām and several of its surrounding areas were part of an endowment Princess Fatima gave to host the peasants that farmed her land. The process of endowing the land to her peasants took place through the official channels of the Ministry of Awqāf (Religious Endowments) and such lands thereafter became part of the lands administered by the Egyptian Awqāf Authority (EAA). Over time, the area grew to accommodate the growing population and the newcomers who arrived from outside the area to rent inexpensive apartments. The ‘Izba is named after Sheikh ‘Allām, one of the area’s early residents. On official maps, it is known as ‘Izbit Fatima Hanim. Awlād Allām is surrounded by the Agricultural Museum and the Ministry of Agriculture to the East, the shooting club to the North West, and the popular Musaddaq Street to the south.

‘IzbitAwlād Allāmlocation relative to the rest of Al-Duqqī

Just like many other areas in the al-Gīza governorate, Awlād ‘Allām was originally surrounded by agricultural land that was later transformed into urban residential and commercial areas. Al-Duqqī, the district within which Awlād ‘Allām lies, was officially incorporated into al-Gīza’s urban cordon in 1964. This, along with its proximity to downtown Cairo, made it a highly-demanded residential location. Al-Duqqī began as a place where people built upscale villas, but over the years most villas were destroyed and replaced by high-rise apartment buildings, as was the case in many Greater Cairo neighborhoods.

The area surrounding Awlād ‘Allām has undergone many changes throughout the past few decades and yet the ‘Izba itself has retained much of its original character. Its narrow streets and the close proximity of neighboring homes are characteristic of many areas in Egypt that grew organically. Many of the streets are known by the names of prominent families who once lived there such as Mahmoud Al-Shīmi and Gamāl Fouʾād, even if their official names are different and very few of their descendants still live there.

The area witnessed some physical and demographic changes largely linked to the construction of the 6th of October Bridge, which started in 1969. This massive bridge, which today extends from al-Duqqī to Heliopolis and Nasr City in Eastern Cairo, further highlighted the strategic location of Awlād ‘Allām. As Egyptian internal migration increased, more people flocked to the ‘Izba in search of affordable housing, and by the 1970s residents had built up most of the area, and even managed to provide many basic services.

Today, according to residents, the ‘Izba is divided into three parts called al-Arba’een, al-Inaya, and Awlād ‘Allām. The al-Arba’een area constitutes the original part of the ‘Izba where the peasants of Princess Fatima lived, while the other parts were farmed by the residents. By the 1970s the ‘Izba had lost its agricultural character and, as mentioned above, had become almost completely built-up, and encompassed a wider area than what is today considered Awlād ‘Allām. Some of the most popular landmarks pointed out by residents include the library, the youth center, the mosque, the coffee-shop, and the area of workshops.

The streets of ‘IzbitAwlād Allām

Residents insist that they do not live in an informal area. The area pre-dates any formal planning activities in al-Duqqi and was included in the governorate’s early official planning schemes. However, the website of the al-Gīza Governorate refers to the area as a manteqa ‘ashwaeya “haphazard/informal area,” and includes it in its five-year informal area development plan. The district manager of al-Duqqī, Azza El-Sherif – who also happens to be the first woman to become a district manager in al-Gīza governorate – has also used the same term to describe the area in her statements to the media.⁵

Despite the fact that official statements to the media refer to the area as informal, its status is actually much more complicated. Awlād ‘Allām cannot easily be described as an informal area since it is included in official maps from the early 1900s. It also cannot be easily described as illegal since the area’s original residents had the legal right to be on the land.

Awlād ‘Allām lies on a plot of land that falls under the waqf system which is similar to the Western concept of trust laws. ⁶AUSAID report (2010) on property rights in Egypt describes how the waqf system applies to land as follows:⁷

Trust land is land set aside by the state for charitable or religious purposes and is usually administered by the Ministry of Awqāf. The purpose for categorizing land as Waqf is to prevent subdivision and to eliminate conflict among descendants. The revenues from the land belong to the beneficiary; Waqf land cannot be sold or mortgaged.

Most of the properties that were donated to the Ministry of Awqāf were plots of land that needed to be farmed or maintained in order to continue to generate income. In light of this, the Ministry of Awqāf made use of a form of tenure called “ḥikr” which allows individuals to pay a rent to the Ministry in exchange for making use of a plot of waqf land.⁸  Awlād ‘Allām falls under this system, however, ḥikr tenure is no longer legally recognized and residents living on such ḥikr lands are expected to use certain legal provisions that allow them to purchase the land and legalize their situation.⁹ Law No. (43/1982) states that a ḥikr committee should be established and charged with identifying, pricing, and selling ḥikr land. This committee would also be responsible for solving all disputes related to such lands; however, there are still several ongoing disputes over this type of land, usually related to pricing.

Residents of Awlād ‘Allām have been trying to legalize their situation with the EAA, for the past few decades, but all attempts so far have failed. According to residents, this is due to the ʿIzba’s strategic location which makes it quite valuable and a prime area for investment. They claim that the Minister of Awqāf tried to obtain an eviction notice for the area during the 1950s but lost the case and the appeal, meaning he could not file the case again. However, unwilling to give up such a valuable location, the EAA is insisting on demanding today’s market prices for the land. In the early 2000s a new series of informal negotiations began between some residents and the EAA, revolving around the price since market forces and inflation had greatly raised the value of the land. These negotiations are still taking place today, yet according to residents, negotiations have reached a standstill as the Ministry refuses to lower the price and the residents refuse to pay the high market price.

This ongoing dispute places Awlād ‘Allām’s residents in a legal grey-zone since some of them (the descendants of Princess Fatima’s peasants) claim they have documents to prove their legal right to be on the land, but this legality is invisible in the eyes of the law.¹⁰ Other residents (those who arrived later) have no form of legal tenure since they settled on the land through an informal subdivision process that was not recognized by the official housing and finance institutions. However, the area cannot be simply dismissed as ‘informal’ or ‘illegal’ since it exists on official maps and actually constitutes part of al-Duqqī’s historic core.
Unfortunately, such legal ambiguity is not unique to Awlād ‘Allām and continues to affect many areas around Egypt. Yet, nobody seems to be able to figure out a solution to this chronic problem.

The Place and the People

Most buildings in Awlād ‘Allām are residential, but some include ground-level commercial uses such as workshops, coffee shops, and convenience stores. The building bulk, height, and quality vary greatly in Awlād ‘Allām. Building heights vary from one-story homes to multi-story buildings. There are many new buildings, several of which were built within the last three years in the wake of the 2011 revolution and the subsequent absence of the rule of law. There are many old buildings, some of which are built with brick rather than concrete, and others that are severely dilapidated and are susceptible to collapse.

The population of Awlād ‘Allām includes a small percentage of people who are – or are descendants of – owners, meaning that they constructed buildings themselves and have informal documentation proving their ownership. But according to residents, the majority of the area’s inhabitants are actually renters. While no formal studies have been done to confirm this, some estimate that up to 90% of residents are renters, some of whom follow the old rent law (permanent contracts with fixed rents), and some of whom follow the new rent law with one to two year contracts. Most owners are concentrated within the al-Arba’een part of the ‘Izba, which hosts the forty homes where Princess Fatima’s peasants were originally housed. That is the area where the people who constructed the buildings continued to live there. The rest of the ‘Izba is mostly composed of renters as many of those who constructed the original buildings moved to other parts of the city and now rent to tenants.

While in many of Egypt’s informal areas one tends to find clusters of residents from the same village or governorate, Awlād Allām’s residents come from different parts of the country including the Abū Sreea’ family from Aswan governorate, the Shindi family from al-Munūfeyya governorate, and the Abdel Latīf family from al-Saff village in al-Gīza governorate. While there are not a large number of residents that are related by blood, many of the ‘Izba’s residents today are related by marriage, thus increasing the area’s social value for its population due to its strong social capital.

The majority of residents of Awlād ‘Allām are part of the working class, but the ‘Izba is home to people from various parts of the socioeconomic spectrum, including construction workers, lawyers, engineers, and politicians. This is something the residents are particularly proud of, as the ‘Izba has produced some prominent figures such as Ramadan Hassanein who was head of the Appeals Court in Assiut governorate, Hussein Shukry who is a former football player in Egypt’s most prominent team al-Ahly, Hisham Mubarak who was a prominent lawyer and human rights activist, and Ahmed Sharaf al-Din who was also a prominent lawyer.

While there are some jobs in the shops and workshops within the neighborhood, most residents work in the surrounding al-Duqqī district, and thus contribute significantly to the economy of al-Duqqī and al-Gīza governorate as a whole. But the contribution of Awlād ‘Allām’s residents seems to extend to political life as well, as many political parties and groups have been active in the area especially around elections time. For example, in 2010 during the parliamentary elections, the al-Wafd candidate for the al-Duqqī district launched  a campaign centered around granting tenure security to Awlād ‘Allām’s residents. In 2011 a few months after the January 25th revolution, the 6th of April political group launched a political awareness campaign in the area related to constitutional and legal rights. And in early 2013 the Freedom and Justice Party (the political arm of the Muslim Brotherhood) coordinated with the municipality to conduct infrastructure maintenance and a general needs assessment for the area. Additionally, residents spoke of political parties distributing bags of basic foodstuffs such as rice and oil. Unfortunately, residents also claim that most political parties diverted their attention elsewhere as soon as elections were over and the area ceased to be a political priority.

What are the Problems of ‘Izbit Awlād ‘Allām?

Most problems in Awlād ‘Allām are linked in one way or another to the area’s pseudo-illegal status and the residents’ lack of tenure. The issue of tenure and legality is not simply about a piece of paper, but rather about every person’s right to have an adequate home. The right to adequate housing encompasses several factors such as security of tenure, physical safety, and access to services. The ‘Izba’s legal ambiguity has been an obstacle to the fulfillment of such rights, and as mentioned above, the majority of residents currently have no form of tenure and thus are potentially vulnerable to eviction if the government so decides.

Regarding physical safety, several buildings in the area suffer from deteriorated structures as a result of a combination of lack of maintenance and badly constructed water and sanitation networks that leak into the buildings’ foundations. Many residents have tried to obtain official permits from the municipality to renovate their homes but were not successful. In fact, because of the pseudo-illegal status of the area, a building moratorium has been in place for many years, making residents vulnerable to fines if they attempt to build or renovate. In the security vacuum that followed the January 25th 2011 revolution many residents decided it was time to take matters into their own hands, and renovated their homes without a permit. Of course, not all building owners did this; some unsafe buildings still remain and building collapses occur from time to time. However, today such buildings constitute a small percentage of the area.

Despite this, the latest (2013) report by the ISDF still includes Awlād ‘Allām in its list of unsafe areas (describing it as “level 2 unsafe” which refers to structural deterioration and buildings prone to collapse). The ISDF’s national plan states that level 2 areas are divided into areas that can be used for extracting funds and those that do not have this potential. Areas that can be used for extracting funds encompass those that include large swathes of vacant land that could potentially be taken advantage of, or areas like Awlād ‘Allām that are on valuable land due to their strategic location.¹² Thus, according to the ISDF an area such as Awlād ‘Allām could be used to extract the cost of development or to extract additional resources that could be utilized to improve other areas that do not have the same financial potential. The ISDF plan specifically discusses areas that lie on Awqāf land and suggests “the great majority of these areas can be used for cost reclamation through their low density which allows for increasing construction and making use of vacant lands.” It is unclear whether such a statement is intended to be applied to Awlād ‘Allām or not, but the area can in no way be described as one of low density.

A satellite image of Awlād ‘Allām shows how densely built-up it is

As for infrastructure and services, residents complained about the difficulties they face in accessing butane gas used for cooking in most Egyptian households as the country has experienced nation-wide shortages in recent months. The company distributing the gas canisters would only come to the area once every two weeks and would sell the canisters at a higher price than the official one. The alternative to using butane gas is to install a natural gas connection to the home.  This requires the natural gas company to survey the buildings and determine whether the area is equipped to receive the service before they grant official approval. This process has not yet taken place in Awlād ‘Allām, but many informal areas are not able to get natural gas due to the narrow streets, in addition to the fact that applicants must present documentation of legal tenure to the utility company, something that the ‘Izba’s residents do not have.

Residents also complained about water and wastewater infrastructure. Residents say that the area has been receiving basic utilities (water, wastewater, electricity) since the 1960s, but as with many old neighborhoods in Egypt, the infrastructure has not been adequately maintained leading to severe dilapidation and sometimes leakage – which over time can erode building foundations making them prone to collapse. Burst water and wastewater pipes also take place regularly which can flood the streets and sometimes even enter the homes. While there have been many requests by residents to the district manager to update and renovate the network, nothing has been done.

Other complaints include the lack of transportation within the area, the lack of solid waste collection (a nation-wide problem), and the lack of lighting in several streets making them unsafe at night. Certain streets are known as a haven for drug-dealers, and residents feel that something as simple as installing street lights could greatly reduce the problem.¹³

Another issue residents mentioned is the perception of Awlād ‘Allām among the residents of the formal and more affluent neighborhoods of al-Duqqī. While the residents themselves are proud of Awlād ‘Allām’s history as the core of al-Duqqī, and its role in protecting the al-Duqqī area during the revolution, many al-Duqqī residents still perceive the area as isolated and unsafe. This is, unfortunately, a stigma many informal areas in Cairo have to face. Several residents of al-Duqqī have mentioned that they would never think of entering Awlād ‘Allām because they believe it is unsafe. Even the media often represents Awlād ‘Allām in that same harsh light. For example, one recent news article says the following:

We [the reporters] were warned not to enter the area due to the presence of thugs and murderers who will not allow anyone in who does not belong there. But we are used to entering such areas, even though they are like minefields, we like to give everyone a chance to voice their concerns and struggles, even if that person is a criminal or thug.

This kind of rhetoric only serves to increase the stigmatization of places like Awlād ‘Allām, and it also makes residents less open to trusting outsiders. This became quite evident during fieldwork conducted in the area as residents were uncomfortable with photos taken of deteriorated buildings. This, they explained, was due to past experiences with reporters who would focus on such deteriorated areas and showcase them as representative of the entire ‘Izba.

Many of the problems described above are common in informal areas, and can often be traced to the lack of coordination between the various government agencies involved the managing the area. This issue is a nation-wide one and not restricted to informal areas, but it is even more exacerbated in areas where the ownership is disputed or ambiguous, as different entities claim or disclaim responsibility for the area. In Awlād ‘Allām’s case this includes: i) the al-Duqqī district manager who is at times cooperative and at other times says there is nothing she can do for an illegal area; ii) the al-Gīza governorate’s Urban Upgrading Unit which includes the area in its plan but cannot really undertake any upgrading without the cooperation of the EAA; iii) the EAA which refuses to sell the land to the residents at a price lower than market value; and iv) the ISDF which describes the area as unsafe and may be planning to make use of the area’s financial value to cover the cost of upgrading it.